The Ottoman Empire's history throughout the 18th century has been characterized as one of stagnation and reform. It is often referred to as the Ancien Régime, or "Old Regime," compared to the "New Regime" of the Tanzimat and Nizam-i Cedid in the nineteenth century. The Ottoman political system was marked by decentralization at this time. Provincial figures were able to gain new power levels in Ottoman politics thanks to political and economic reforms established during the preceding Holy League War (from 1683 to 1699), particularly the sale of life-term tax farms instituted in 1695. This decentralization had previously led historians to believe that the Ottoman Empire declined during this time as part of the larger and now-debunked Ottoman Decline Thesis. Still, it is now recognized that the Ottomans were successfully tying emerging provincial elites to the central government politically and financially. During much of the eighteenth century, the empire had tremendous economic expansion and, until the disastrous war with Russia in 1768-1774, could equal its adversaries in military might. As a result, the empire's history during this period is now often portrayed in more neutral terms, with phrases like 'decline' and 'stagnation' being avoided. The Old Regime was carried to an end not by a single dramatic event but by Sultan Selim III, also known as the Nizam- Cedid, who began a systematic reform process. Although Selim was ousted, his reforms were carried out by his successors well into the nineteenth century, completely altering the Ottoman Empire.
The institute of Malikāne, or life-term tax farm, was crucial during this period in Ottoman history. Tax farming was utilised to raise money throughout the seventeenth century, but contracts were first offered on a life-term basis in 1695 as part of the empire's wartime fiscal reforms. Individuals might compete in an auction for the right to tax a specific revenue stream, with the winner agreeing to present his stated amount to the government each year and contributing a lump payment upfront equivalent to two to three times the annual amount, according to the Malikāne contract. The Ottoman government had a considerably steadier source of money due to this system, and they enjoyed considerable budget surpluses for much of the eighteenth century. The impact of malikāne, on the other hand, went well beyond its primary economic and budgetary goals. It aided the Ottoman Empire's transition to a new form of government known as "decentralization." Malikāne contracts were divided into shares and privately sold, taking advantage of the Ottoman Empire's developing economy in the early eighteenth century. These public assets were traded among various socioeconomic groupings, including military and religious leaders, country gentry, urban notables, and janitors. This gave regional officials new ways to communicate with the Ottoman government. At the same time, there had been a strict distinction between the military-administrative askeri class and the civilian reaya class in earlier centuries, the selling of Malikāneallowed the latter to participate in government administration. In addition, local notables benefited from the legitimacy gained by legally joining the Ottoman state.
In contrast, the Ottoman state benefited from its tighter ties with the notables, who were better able to handle local governance and taxation issues. As a result, the institution of malikāne remained largely unaffected until 1793, when Selim III began to phase it out as part of his New Order reform attempt. malikāne contracts were handed to the New Order treasury as they expired and reconstructed to individuals the state judged trustworthily. However, this attempt at centralisation was met with opposition by provincial individuals who had a vested interest in the maintenance of malikāne at the time and contributed to the overthrow of Selim III in 1807. malikāne contracts were sold and traded until the 1840s when they were finally phased out as part of the Tanzimat, the empire's vast reform program.
Central Administration
Over the seventeenth century, the Ottoman Empire's governance evolved from a patrimonial system to one supported more by bureaucracy than by the Sultan's authority. In the 1703 uprising known as the Edirne affair, Mustafa II was ousted. The final attempt of a militarily active sultan to directly oversee the entire governance of the empire was undone. Major government agencies were no longer housed in the imperial palace, and they were given more autonomy. The central bureaucracy had risen to 1,500-2,000 scribes by the 1790s, a huge increase from the 183 scribes who served in 1593. High-ranking bureaucrats saw their social mobility rise, and many of them went on to become effective province governors and even grand viziers, positions that had previously been reserved for men with military backgrounds.
Provincial Administration
The provinces' Ottoman rule was based on retaining the loyalty of local interest groups. The provincial governor and the judge represented state authority, handling the majority of the province's day-to-day administration. Figures classified as "notables" represented local interests (ayan). Ayan hailed from a variety of backgrounds, but what set them apart was their established local position. Unlike Ottoman state officials, they did not move across the empire from job to position, instead of establishing deep roots in a specific geographic area. For Ottoman provincial government to function, Ayan used patronage networks to wield substantial influence inside their local city or region, and their collaboration was crucial. The ayan were linked to the state during the eighteenth century through the malikāne institution. Ayan was able to solidify their authority over their local sphere of influence by purchasing malikāne, but they were also linked to the state in a symbiotic relationship. They came to rely on the Ottoman government for legitimacy and continuing access to malikāne earnings, much as the Ottoman administration relied on them to maintain order in the provinces. In a mutually beneficial arrangement, the Ottoman administration paradoxically offered regional officials greater authority than ever before while also attaching them more firmly to the central state. As a result of this interdependence, the central government and provincial power-holders did not seek independence from the Ottoman Empire. Provincial governors in the seventeenth century were appointed for undefined periods, leaving them with a great deal of ambiguity about their security of position. All governors were appointed for one-year terms by the seventeenth century, after which they were subject to review and re-appointment. The Ottoman Empire's provincial government was predicated on ongoing collaboration between centrally nominated governors and local ayan. The latter convened in frequent councils with the provincial governors or their delegates (mütesellims) and played a vital role in tax collection, particularly during warfare. Mütesellims were frequently chosen from among the local ayan, and some families had the office passed down through the generations. Governorships were also obtained by particularly powerful ayan families, such as the al-Azms of Damascus. The provincial government functions were carried out in local councils, particularly in the second half of the eighteenth century. Major personalities on such councils would include the local judge (kadı), the commander of the Janissaries, the commander of the fortress garrison (dizdar), and local ayan leaders, though this would vary by location. Meetings were placed either at the kad's home or at the provincial governor's office.
During the first part of the eighteenth century, the Ottoman military could match its European adversaries, and there was no considerable technological gap between them. But, on the other hand, the Ottomans remained at peace in Europe for about thirty years after the Treaty of Belgrade in 1739. Thus, missing out on the rapid advances in military technology and organisation associated with the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), particularly the development of highly trained and disciplined regimental forces, tactical innovations in small-calibre cannon deployment, and widespread use of socket bayonets as a cavalry countermeasure. Moreover, in contrast to Russian generals like Rumiantsev and Suvarov, who sharpened their skills during the Seven Years' War, Ottoman commanders lacked practical experience due to the prolonged peace. As a result, when war broke out with Russia in 1768, the Ottomans suffered crushing setbacks, losing Crimea and accepting the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca in 1774.
During the first three-quarters of the eighteenth century, the Ottoman economy witnessed considerable expansion and growth. From 1 billion akçe in 1699 to 1.6 billion in 1748, the Ottoman budget rose considerably. Unlike the previous century, the Ottomans maintained budget surpluses for the majority of these years. During the eighteenth century, Istanbul's commercial infrastructure was dramatically rebuilt and enlarged, bolstering the empire's quickly rising foreign trade. The export of exquisite fabrics, hand-knit yarns, and leather items benefited the Ottoman economy in particular.
The Ottoman aristocracy increased its spending and socialisation during the eighteenth century. For the wealthy Ottoman grandees who used their wealth to bankroll Istanbul's fast expansion, dozens of mansions rose built along the Bosphorus's coasts. Fountains were built all across the city to provide fresh water to the city's rising population. Sultan Ahmed III commissioned the construction of Sadabad, a new summer palace near Kağıthane in Istanbul, in 1721. Unlike Topkap Palace, which boosted the Ottoman dynasty's status through isolation, Sadabad was intended to serve as a platform for a far more prominent and striking sultanate, akin to the French palace of Versailles. Coffeehouses played an important role in public life, not only as places where people could come together on a relatively equal footing to discuss public issues but also as places where people could come together on a relatively equal footing to discuss public issues. While there was some opposition to the spread of coffeehouses in the seventeenth century from the state, which was concerned about their socially subversive influence, and the ultra-conservative religious movement of the Kadzadelis, there was no attempt to outlaw them entirely in the eighteenth century. Coffeehouse culture had become ingrained in the Ottoman Empire's cities and towns. The authorities had resorted to surveillance techniques to keep track of the disorderly crowds that could congregate there. As a result, they became more stratified socially, with different venues appearing for people of various social classes. The bathhouse was the most important place for Ottoman women to socialise in public (Hamam). In 1718, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, while visiting an Edirne bathhouse, remarked that the baths served the same purpose for ladies that the coffeehouse did for men. Large groups of women could get together regularly to discuss current events. Istanbul's water supply was greatly improved in the early eighteenth century, allowing the city's bathhouses to expand. Bathhouses were naturally segregated by gender, but they also catered to different social classes.
Ibrahim Müteferrika, a Hungarian convert to Islam, founded the first Turkish-language printing plant in Istanbul in 1727. The imperial court and religious authorities both understood the importance of the press and hence endorsed its usage. The press of Müteferrika was primarily intended to spread historical, geographical, and linguistic works. Still, it struggled to compete with more prestigious manuscripts due to poor market demand for printed books, eventually closing down in 1796-1807.
Mustafa II
Despite a few modest triumphs, Mustafa II (1695–1703), the last of the campaigning sultans, was defeated at the Battle of Zenta by Prince Eugene of Savoy of Austria. The Austrians had conquered Ottoman Hungary by 1699. That year, the Treaty of Karlowitz was signed. Mustafa II ceded Hungary and Transylvania to Austria, Morea to the Venetian Republic, and Ottoman forces from Polish Podolia by signing this treaty. Peter I of Russia (1682–1725) also captured the Black Sea fortress of Azov from the Ottomans in 1697 during this reign. Mustafa was deposed during the Edirne rebellion, which a large-scale war in Georgia had preceded.
Ahmed III
In 1710, Sultan Ahmed III was persuaded by Charles XII of Sweden to launch the war on Russia. The Ottoman forces led by Baltac Mehmet Pasha gained a major victory at the Battle of Prut. In the treaty that followed, Russia undertook to return Azov to the Ottomans, dismantle Taganrog and other fortifications in the area, and refrain from interfering with the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth or the Cossacks. In Istanbul, dissatisfaction with the leniency of these sentences was so strong that it nearly led to a resumption of the war. Morea was taken from the Venetians in 1715. This resulted in hostilities with Austria, which the Ottoman Empire could not resolve, and Belgrade fell to Austria in 1717. The peace of Passarowitz was signed in 1718, with the Ottomans retaining their conquests from the Venetians but losing Banat, thanks to the mediation of England and the Netherlands. During the Persian war, the Ottomans conquered successively with little resistance from Persian soldiers, although being hampered by the country's natural terrain and the fierce spirit of the native tribes. The war, however, grew less favourable to Ottoman aspirations after a few years. Nadir Konli Khan, the legendary Persian military leader who later reconquered and captured territories for himself, rose to prominence via exploits against Shah Tahmasp's adversaries. The Tulip phase lasted for the majority of Ahmet's rule. The time was distinguished by a high level of taste in architecture, literature, luxury, and the first examples of industrial output. However, societal unrest reached a height, and Halil Ahmet was deposed during the Patrona revolution.
Mahmud I
Although Mahmud was propelled to the throne by Patrona Halil's civil war, he did not share Halil's anti-reform stance. He spent considerable of his first year as Sultan dealing with the regressive forces that Halil had unleashed. On November 24, 1731, he was obliged to execute Halil and his principal supporters, putting an end to the insurrection. Istanbul's Nuruosmaniye Mosque, built between 1749 and 1755. In May 1736, a new conflict broke out between the Ottomans and Russia. After an unsuccessful invasion of the Crimea in 1738, Russian forces seized Azov in 1736 and Ochakov in 1737 but failed to capture Bender and suffered massive losses due to sickness and logistical obstacles. In 1737, Austria sided with Russia in the war but suffered crushing setbacks at the hands of the Ottomans, particularly at the Battle of Grocka. The Ottomans had retaken Belgrade by 1739, forcing the Austrians to accept peace. Russia, too, begged for peace after being abandoned by their allies, abandoning their victories except for Azov. During the Persian wars, Ottoman armies faced up against Nadir Shah's military prowess. Baghdad remained under Ottoman rule, but Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia returned to the Persian sphere of influence.
Osman III
Several large fires erupted in Istanbul, the capital, during Osman's reign.
Mustafa III
The empire's Chief Black Eunuchs had largely dominated the government since the Patrona Halil insurrection overthrew Ahmed III in 1730. Grand viziers were only in office for a short time. When Mustafa III ascended to the throne in 1757, this changed. Mustafa, Ahmed III's son, aimed to restore his father's close collaboration with the grand viziers. He appointed Koca Ragp Pasha, one of the century's most capable leaders, in November.
Abdul Hamid I
The Ottomans were forced to accept the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca in 1774 following a disastrous war with Russia.