Italian Entry into World War I

In 1915, Italy joined the First World War intending to complete national unity. As a result, the Italian participation in World War I is sometimes known as the Fourth Italian War of Independence, under a historiographical perspective that sees the latter as the culmination of Italy's unification, which began in 1848 uprisings the First Italian War of Independence.

Almost all of Italy was united in a single state after the Third Italian War of Independence (1866). The so-called "irredenta areas," or Italian-speaking, geographically or historically Italian lands that were not yet part of the unitary state, were, nevertheless, missing. Julian March, Trentino-Alto Adige, and Dalmatia were commonly mentioned as irredenta territories still belonging to Austria-Hungary. Between the later periods of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century, the Italian irredentism movement was active to reunify those as mentioned above with the motherland and, as a result, their salvation. In the last eras of the nineteenth century, when Italy was still firmly incorporated in the Triple Alliance, the theme of the need for a "Fourth Italian War of Independence" against Austria-Hungary began to develop in the irredentist sphere; the Italo-Turkish War was also seen as part of this theme in the irredentist globe.

Italy proclaimed neutrality when World War I broke out in August 1914. The Realm of Italy did not join the Central Powers despite being ostensibly aligned with the German Empire and the Austria-Hungarian Empire in the Triple Alliance. Germany and Austria–Hungary took the offensive. In contrast, the Triple Alliance was supposed to be a defensive alliance. Furthermore, the Triple Alliance acknowledged that both Italy and Austria-Hungary had an interest in the Balkans and compelled both to contact one another before changing the status quo, as well as to compensate for any advantage gained in that area: Before sending the request to Serbia, Austria-Hungary consulted Germany but not Italy, and refused to pay Serbia until the war ended. Italy bargained with the Allies for a better deal, particularly obtaining territory from the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Russia, on the other hand, has its pro-Slavic interests in the region, complicating negotiations.

Furthermore, Russia's bargaining position has been severely damaged as a result of its massive military losses. By April 1915, Russia had abandoned its backing for most of Serbia's claims and agreed on terms for Italy's entry into the war, limiting Russia's strategic influence in the Adriatic after the war. Italy accepted the Allies' offer of Austria and a piece of the Ottoman Empire in exchange for Austria-defeat. Hungary's The Treaty of London made this official. Italy joined the Triple Entente in 1915 and entered the war (i.e. the Allies).

The nation was ill-prepared, the Army was inadequately trained, and the industrial and financial base was inadequate. Public and elite opinion was divided on the war's wisdom. As one of the "Big Four" leading Allied powers, the country did make a significant contribution to the war's victory. The essential decisions were decided by a small group of people, including Prime Minister Antonio Salandra and his two foreign ministers, Antonio di San Giuliano and Sidney Sonnino. They hoped that success would bring additional territory and glory to Italy, putting an end to some of its internal strife. The Peace Treaties of Rapallo, Saint-Germain and Rome gave Italy a permanent seat on the League of Nations' executive council and most of the promised territories, but not Dalmatia, allowing nationalists to rebrand the outcome as a "mutilated victory"; this enraged sentiment aided the rise of Benito Mussolini's fascist dictatorship in 1922.

The Italian leadership lacked expertise, was ignorant of foreign events and was frequently unwell. Forces performed minor roles outside of the government. The business and financial community’s desired peace, but they were neglected in the decision-making process. Nationalistic pressure organizations, as well as academics and foreign policy specialists, were also ignored. The King had nominal control over war and peace, but in 1914 he was suffering from severe psychological problems, and in any case, he delegated all critical decisions to his government. When Antonio Salandra became Prime Minister in March 1914, he had no expertise in foreign affairs and no talent or taste for statecraft. Overseas Minister Antonio di San Giuliano, an experienced diplomat who was cynical and cautious, decided to go to war. He died in October 1914 due to ill health. Sidney Sonnino took his post, and he joined the Allies essentially to gain land.

The envoy to France, Tommaso Tittoni, was frequently consulted, and he pleaded with the Allies to join them. Civilian politicians suppressed the generals; the chief of staff died on 1 July and was eventually substituted by General Luigi Cadorna in late July. Cadorna misrepresented the capabilities of the Italian Army to unsuspecting civilians while working hard to eliminate its flaws. All of the leaders despised Austria and were eager to seize control of the Alps' Trentino-Alto-Adige province and the Austrian city of Trieste. They all hated the Ottoman Empire, and Italy was pleased to have lately taken control of the Ottoman holdings in Libya. Italy, Austria, and Serbia contested the power of Albania.

Along with Germany and Austria-Hungary, Italy was a formal member of the Triple Alliance. It did, however, retain positive relations with France and Russia. The other countries were aware of this dichotomy and did not anticipate Italy joining the war in 1914. Its treaty duties did not compel it to enter Germany and Austria, and it saw little benefit in doing so. The public desired peace, and Rome's leadership saw how ill-prepared the country was compared to the powerhouses at war. However, by late 1914, Prime Minister Antonio Salandra and Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino had decided that joining the Allies would help calm extremely serious internal dissension by bringing glory to the victorious Army and satisfying popular sentiment by liberating Italian-speaking territories from Austrian rule. Politicians also gained fresh patronage opportunities and political gains. They intended to make the case that these results would be the triumphant conclusion of the "Risorgimento" (Italian unification). Sonnino began negotiations in Vienna in December 1914, requesting territorial compensation in exchange for remaining neutral. The purpose of these conversations was to hide the government's true intentions from the Italian populace and the warring countries. Sonnino began tough negotiations with London and France in March 1915. On 26 April 1915, the Accord of London was signed, and on 23 May 1915, Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary. The London Pact was "the greatest, if not the first fully spontaneous act of foreign policy accomplished by Italy since the Risorgimento," Salandra boasted.

Italy's recent success in conquering Libya due to the Italo-Turkish War had caused conflict with its Triple Alliance partners, who had been seeking stronger ties with the Ottoman Empire. Germans sang anti-Italian songs in response to Italy's assault. Relations between Italy and France remained tense. Italy's failure to assist France in the Franco-Prussian War in 1870 left France feeling betrayed. Constant Italian demands for more international recognition following its conquest of Libya and demands that other states acknowledge its areas of influence in Eastern Africa and the Mediterranean Sea had harmed Italy's relations with the United Kingdom.

Italy's relations with Greece in the Mediterranean were strained when it seized the Greek-populated Dodecanese Islands, including Rhodes, from 1912 to 1914. Previously, the Ottoman Empire ruled over these islands. The desire to annex Albania was also a source of an open competition between Italy and Greece. Italy should prepare to take back Italian-populated country from Austria-Hungary as the "completion of the Risorgimento," according to King Victor Emmanuel III. He was apprehensive about Italy pursuing distant colonial exploits. This concept pitted Italy against Austria-Hungary.

Freemasonry was a powerful semi-secret political movement in Italy, having a significant presence among professionals and the middle class throughout the country and the leadership of parliament, the government, and the Army. The Majestic Lodge and the Majestic Orient of Italy were the two principal organizations. They had 25,000 members spread throughout 500 lodges or more. Freemasons took on rallying the press, the people, and the major political parties in support of Italy's entry into the war as a French and British ally. In 1914-15, they momentarily abandoned their typical pacifist rhetoric in favour of nationalist goals. Freemasonry has long supported cosmopolitan global values. By 1917, they had returned to their internationalist roots, pressing to establish a League of States to create a new postwar universal order founded on the peaceful coexistence of independent and democratic nations.

Political instability in Italy in 1914 was a pivotal impediment to Italy's decision on what to do about the war. Following the creation of Prime Minister Salandra's cabinet in March 1914, the government aimed to gain nationalist support by moving to the political right. At the same time, with the killing of three anti-militarist protesters in June, the left became more hostile to the administration. Many on the left, including syndicalists, republicans, and anarchists, protested, and the Italian Socialist Party called for a nationwide strike. Leftists rioted, and other acts of civil disobedience occurred in large cities and small villages, including seizing railway stations, cutting telephone wires, and burning tax registers, which became known as "Red Weeks." The strike was formally called off only two days later while civic unrest remained.

Militant nationalists and anti-militarist leftists fought on the streets until the Italian Royal Army restored order after putting down the various protesting forces with thousands of men. Following the Austria-invasion Hungary's of Serbia in 1914, World War I erupted, pitting Germany and Austria against Serbia, Russia, France, and the United Kingdom. Despite being a part of the Triple Agreement and having an official relationship with Germany, Italy stayed neutral, arguing that the alliance was purely defensive.

The war divided society: Italian socialists were mainly opposed to it and backed pacifism, whereas nationalists favored it. Nevertheless, Gabriele D'Annunzio and Luigi Federzoni, long-time nationalists, and Benito Mussolini, a Marxist journalist once hailed by Lenin but now a new convert to nationalist fervor, asked that Italy join the war. Italy needed to keep its alliance with Germany and Austria to obtain colonial possessions at the expense of France, according to nationalists. Moreover, the war provided the liberals with a long-awaited opportunity to leverage an alliance with the Entente to gain regions from Austria-Hungary, which had long been a component of Italian patriotism since unification.

There was no compelling rationale for Italy to incur the horrors and costs of war in exchange for additional territories that would improve the government's image and alleviate the country's deep internal strife. Instead, the objective was to haggle for the best deal possible in terms of territorial gains and coverage of Italian financial and military deficiencies.

By August 1914, Russia was looking forward to Italy's entry into the war, believing that it would establish a new front to stop any Austrian attack. There were no results since Russia had nothing to offer Italy. When Foreign Minister San Giuliano died in October, Rome declined to promise, and there was a delay. Sonnino, his replacement, intended to join the winning team to expand his domain. He expected the Central Powers to triumph at first, but the war appeared to be going on for a long time, so there was no need to rush in. Austria had too little to give and was demonstrating its military vulnerability. Berlin pressed Vienna to provide Rome with more territory concessions, but it was too late as Sonnino turned to the Allies. They were more than eager to guarantee Austria and Turkey substantial territorial prizes. Due to Italy's lengthy coastline, it was vulnerable to the Allied navies' significantly superior force.

The public was split, which Sonnino exploited to deceive the cabinet. He was negotiating with both sides by February 1915, but he had decided that the Allies were making the special offer. He was unconcerned about the state of the Italian military, assuming that Britain and France would do all of the fightings. The Italian treasury could not support a war, but London and Paris promised money and ammunition once more. Italy signed the London Pact with Britain and France in April 1915. The deal guaranteed Italy the right to take all Italian-populated regions it desired from Austria-Hungary, concessions in the Balkan Peninsula and adequate compensation for any territory taken from Germany in Africa by the Allies. A month later, Italy declared war on Austria and attacked it from the south.

In Italy, there was a mixed reception. Former Italian Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti was enraged by the country's decision to go to war with two long-time friends. Giolitti predicted many mutinies and an Austro-Hungarian takeover of even more Italian territory if Italy failed in the war. Moreover, he warned that failure would result in an explosive uprising that would destabilize the monarchy and the state's liberal-democratic secular institutions. However, Sonnino decided against Giolitti's grave forecasts, which turned out to be horrifically accurate.

One significant outcome was that Italian nationalism was considerably strengthened and became a substantial factor at both the elite and popular levels until 1945 when popular democracy became a much more powerful force.