Battle of Karnal

During his conquest of India, Nader Shah, the founder of the Afsharid dynasty of Iran, won a major victory at the Battle of Karnal (24 February 1739). Within three hours, Nader's men crushed Muhammad Shah's army, clearing the stage for the Iranian sack of Delhi. The battle is regarded as the pinnacle of Nader's military career as well as a tactical masterwork. The combat took place near Karnal, India, 110 kilometres (68 miles) north of Delhi. Nader Shah's conquest of the Mughal Empire came to a close with this fight. Nader marched his soldiers south towards the Mughal capital after conquering eastern Afghanistan and invading Kabul and Peshawar. Muhammad Shah collected a massive army in Delhi and marched north until coming to a halt at Karnal. Nader fought and won a resounding victory. Following his humiliating defeat, Muhammad Shah agreed to pay a huge indemnity to continue his imperium over his territory.

On the other hand, Nader forced the Mughal Emperor to capitulate completely and marched him to Delhi, plundered the Mughal treasury. A rebellion by Delhi residents against Nader's forces resulted in a terrible bloodbath in which the entire city was plundered and ravaged. Because of the massive loot amassed in Delhi, Nader issued an imperial order suspending all taxes for three years. Soon after, the Persian army withdrew, leaving behind 30,000 dead. Muhammad Shah was also obliged to give up all of his possessions west of the Indus, which Nader Shah annexed. As a result of the Mughal Empire's crushing defeat at Karnal, the already ailing Mughal Empire was severely damaged, potentially hastening its doom. According to Axworthy, the European colonial takeover of the Indian subcontinent would have occurred in a different form or not at all if Nader's invasion of India had not had such disastrous consequences.

The northern border districts of the Mughal Empire were a favoured destination for the abundance of Afghan mercenaries and warlords defeated in Nader's several operations against the various polities in Afghanistan. Nader had submitted several pleas to northern India's governors and politicians, begging that these fugitives be apprehended and turned over to him. Following his conquest of Afghanistan, Nader was looking for an excuse to invade the Mughal Empire. Naturally, he took use of the chance to disguise his invasion as a search for Afghan soldiers who had taken refuge in the difficult terrain of the northern Mughal territory. It's also worth noting that Nader corresponded with Nizam-ul-Mulk, one of the most powerful Mughal officials, whom some accused of betraying the Mughal Emperor at the time. While it's likely that Nizam-ul-Mulk was the catalyst for Nader's invasion of the Mughal Empire, it's a far-fetched theory. It's still up for debate whether the Mughal Empire could have discreetly defused the crisis. The ability of the Mughal empire to discover and jail Afghan fugitives in its border regions, as well as the actual number of fugitives that escaped to these districts in the first place, is very questionable. They were likely insignificant in number. Whether or not the Mughal authorities fulfilled Nader Shah's request for hunting out and handing over fugitives, his plan to conquer Mughal India would have continued. Nader Shah likely used the demand for fugitives, which had not been fully met, as a pretext to invade and plunder.

Nader was accompanied by Erekle II, a Georgian vassal and future ruler of eastern Georgia, who led a Georgian detachment in the Imperial Persian army as he proceeded into the Mughal territory. The governors of Peshawar and Kabul assembled an army of 20,000 troops, largely made up of Afghan mercenaries gathered from the tribes of Eastern Afghanistan, in response to Nader Shah's approach from Qandahar. The posture chosen to repel the Persian army could not have been better chosen, as only a tiny column of troops could hope to march through the narrow Khyber Pass, and any deployment into combat formations would be impossible. Nader persuaded that a head-on confrontation would be futile, took a different tactic. A local guide told him about the pass of Chatchoobi, a tough but passable route that runs parallel to Kheibar. The Persian army set out on 26 November from near Jalal Abad. It arrived at Barikab (33 kilometers from the Kheibar pass), where Nader divided his army, leaving Morteza Mirza in charge of most of the forces and sending 12,000 men to the Kheibar pass under Nasrollah Qoli. At the same time, he gathered 10,000 chosen light cavalry under his direct command. Nader began an epic flank-march of almost 80 kilometres across some of Asia's most inaccessible terrain when he arrived at Ali-Masjed. The 10,000 curved their March northwards and towards the eastern end of the Kheibar pass. The governor's soldiers were caught off guard by the sudden appearance of a large contingent of cavalry in their rear. However, they managed to hold out for a brief time before Nader's light cavalry routed them completely. As a result, the way to the Mughal Empire's northern provinces was cleared, allowing the Imperial Persian army's main body to march into the Mughal interior. Nader trooped his advance guard out of Peshawar on 16 November 1739, going south towards the Sindh River in Punjab. On their way to Lahore, the Persian army crossed the river and descended upon the defenseless countryside, pillaging and burning as they went. In the hopes of repelling the attack, the governor of Lahore began bolstering his battlements. Nader accelerated and attacked from an unexpected direction with such intensity that the government bowed to the Shah's wishes after only one day. The governor's status as ruler of Lahore was safeguarded by the Shah's gift of two million rupees.

The news of Nader's invading army's sequence of conquests had created significant worry at Muhammad Shah's Mughal court in Delhi. Nizam-ul-Mulk was bidden to the Emperor's presence, and several summonses were issued throughout northern India for military assistance. The Mughal army marched out of Delhi on 13 December to face the invading troops to the north. The column's grandeur was such that it measured 25 kilometres in length and 3 kilometres in width. Muhammad Shah himself became a member of this army. Muhammad Shah was only able to take his army as far as Karnal, around 120 kilometres north of Delhi, due to the size of the Mughal army. Muhammad Shah oversaw a war camp of 300,000 troops, including non-combatants, who were armed with 3,000 cannons and accompanied by 2,000 war elephants. A total of 75,000 troops were deployed on the battlefield. Despite the huge troops at their disposal, the Mughals were hampered by obsolete battle equipment and tactical systems. Almost all of the army's guns were far too enormous in calibre to be considered field artillery, as they were nearly impossible to manoeuvre during battle and took so long to reload that even when used correctly, they had little effect. The majority of Nader's artillery and the zamburaks offered additional mobile firepower were lighter and more manoeuvrable than their Mughal counterparts. Unlike the infantry of the Mughal army, the 20,000 Persian musketeers (jazyarechi) were uniformed, drilled, and organized uniformly. Even though the Mughal army's 50,000 cavalry force was of exceptional quality, there was little evidence of a shared and cohesive underlying military structure for their deployment and employment. The Persian cavalry was divided into two sections. Auxiliary troops recruited into the Imperial army after the conquest of their nation and state troops, who were trained and drilled through a uniform system.

With the goal of gathering intelligence and bringing back detainees for interrogation, Nader dispatched a raiding group of 6,000 Kurdish riders. The raiding force attacked a contingent of Mughal artillery, capturing some prisoners and transporting them back to camp. Next, Nader assembled a lesser force and proceeded on an old citadel, Azimabad, 32 kilometres from Karnal, leaving the main body of his men under the leadership of his son, Morteza Mirza. After the Persian cannons were brought up against its walls, Azimabad was readily conquered. Here, Nader spoke with the commander of a Kurdish scouting division of 6,000 men. He was briefed on the geography of Karnal's environs and the Mughal camp's division strength. He chose to station his soldiers well east of the Mughal camp, drawing Muhammad Shah into battle at a location he chose.

Dispositions & Deployments

The Persian army broke camp on 23 February and entered the valley between the Alimardan and Jamna rivers. Nader rode out from his encampment north of Kanjpura to survey the enemy's position. When Nader returned to camp, he gave a speech to all of the army's officers. Nader received word later that a strong number of Mughals was heading through Panipat to join Muhammad Shah's army. Sa'adat Khan, a close associate of Muhammad Shah and a high-ranking Mughal diplomat, was in charge of this contingent. Nader devised a strategy modelled on Sa'adat Khan's approach to entice the main Mughal army across the Alimardan River and into the valley before Kanjpura hamlet, where he planned to fight a strategic vantage point. To considerable enthusiasm, the long-awaited Sa'adat Khan arrived at the Mughal encampment; however, the bulk of his column was still on its way. Nader organized his forces into three main groupings on the morning of 24 February. The army's main body was stationed immediately north of Kanjpura village, facing West, and Nader's son, Morteza Mirza (later nicknamed Nassrollah Qoli in honour of his achievements in the war). They had an entourage of senior advisers at his disposal. To Morteza Qoli's north, Tahmasp Khan Jalayer led the army's right flank, while Fath-Ali Khan Kiani and Lotf-Ali Khan Afshar were assigned joint leadership of the army's left flank. At this point, Sa'adat Khan received word that the rearguard of his column had been attacked, and the baggage had been captured and taken by the enemy. Although Sa'adat Khan had arrived in the Mughal camp late the night before, many of his forces, estimated to be in the tens of thousands, were still on their way when he arrived. Sa'adat Khan mounted his war elephant and rode out to the reported site of the skirmish without contacting or assembling Muhammad Shah or other commanders. In addition to the several artillery battalions trailing behind him, he was escorted by 2,000 cavalries and infantry. Soon after he departs from camp, more of his men would join him. Sa'adat Khan attacked the isolated Persian cavalry units stationed in the area, which put up a fight before fleeing to the east. Sa'adat Khan asked for reinforcements to complete the win, sending urgent reports back to the camp of the upper hand he had obtained. As the reports reached the Mughal high facility, there was debate about whether these appeals for reinforcement should be responded to. Muhammad Shah was anxious to join Sa'adat Khan in the field, despite his two senior advisers, Nizam-ul-Mulk and Khan Dowran, who cautioned him against making hasty decisions. Khan Dowran retaliated enthusiastically by wearing armour and mounted his war elephant to fight after a dissatisfied Muhammad Shah made insinuations about his martial character. The original number of soldiers leaving the Mughal camp accompanying Khan Dowran was around 8,000–9,000, largely cavalry and musket-wielding infantry. Throughout the day, a steady stream of reinforcements left the Mughal encampment to bridge the Alimardan river and join the action, but no effort was made to integrate these vast numbers east of the Alimardan river into a coherent deployment in support of Mughal soldiers already engaged. Instead, the Mughals in the foreground would be bombarded with reinforcements, with no overarching tactical plan to guide them.

Nader Divides the Mughals between the Centre and Left-wing

As Nader watched Sa'adat Khan's March into the Persian centre, he ordered the zamburaks to be deployed to maximize firepower during the initial exchange. He sent three elite cavalry battalions, armed with Jazyerchi muskets, in the region of Kanjpura hamlet, personally commanding a force of 1,000 cavalries drawn from the ranks of the Afshar clan. Nader's deployment of zamburaks aided these units (each numbering in the thousands). After dispatching two mounted units of his elite Jazyerchi to deflect the Mughal advance onto the Persian centre, Nader dispatched another unit to distract Khan Dowran's direction and finally lead him towards the army's left wing was ambushed around Kanjpura. Although Sa'adat Khan temporarily halted his advance in anticipation of Khan Dowran's reinforcements, Khan Dowran was led away from Sa'adat Khan's forces by Nader's brilliant diversionary tactics, and Sa'adat Khan himself was harassed into resuming his advance east without consolidating with incoming reinforcements. Nizam-ul-Mulk began gathering his men behind the Alimardan river in a sluggish attempt to support the army's leading elements. The coming of Sa'adat Khan's troops with loaded muskets and firearms was eagerly anticipated in the Persian centre. The screening army of mounted warriors broke aside as the Mughals approached musket range, revealing a line of jazayerchi with levelled muskets. The approaching enemy was met with a burst of uniform fire. The Mughals braced and took the withering fire from the Persian line, a wonderful monument to Sa'adat Khan's men's bravery. They could even close with the Persian centre, resulting in a widespread melee that put tremendous pressure on the Persian centre.

The Ambush at Kanjpura

Khan Dowran, stationed at Kanjpura, where the Persian left flank was stationed, played perfectly into Nader's hands as his pursuit suddenly marched right into a bloody ambush. The Mughals were paralyzed when Persian troops appeared out of nowhere in the Kanjpura area. The sheer volume of fire unleashed by the Jazyerchi and zamburaks wreaked havoc on the unfortunate Mughal soldiers caught up in Nader's perplexing mayhem. From behind the main line of Jazyerchi, Nader saw the massacre as they fired volley after volley into the reeling adversary in front of them. The Mughals could easily penetrate the armour of the war elephants with the heavy rounds of the Jazyer muskets, and many nobles were killed or captured. Khan Dowran was wounded as well; gravely hurt, he fell from his elephant as his blood spilt all over him, causing his remaining retainers to rush to his aid. The Persian right, led by Tahmasp Khan Jalayer, was not engaged until this point in the conflict, and he began wrapping his forces around the left flank of Sa'adat Khan's warriors from the north. Sa'adat Khan's war elephant became entwined with another after two hours of furious battle in the centre. A Persian soldier mounted the side of the Khan's beast and pleaded him to surrender. Sa'adat Khan obvious to lay down his arms after finding himself in an impossible situation. Many more Mughal soldiers followed in their footsteps, while others broke and went west. With the enemy army's cream slaughtered and the remainder fleeing across the Alimardan river, the Persians launched an organized pursuit, with Nader's men halting just out of range of the Mughal battle line built up behind the river. Nader re-established his lines in the vale to the east, unwilling to face the Mughals on the unfavourable ground. The vast contingent of Mughal soldiers stationed behind the river under the command of Nizam-ul-Mulk could do nothing to influence the outcome of the war, which had been so terrible for them. Later, Nader moved troops around the Mughal encampment's edge to construct a blockade by cutting the logistical lines coming into Muhammad Shah's camp. The news of Sa'adat Khan's capture, as well as the rumoured deaths of Khan Dowran and a slew of other high-ranking Mughal officers, caused the army's morale to plummet. In certain situations, the loss of hope led to mutiny, and soldiers began robbing the camp.

Losses & Consequences

Compared to the Persians, the Mughals suffered significantly more casualties. Exact amounts are unknown because accounts from the time were prone to exaggeration. Various contemporary writers believed that up to 30,000 Mughal soldiers were killed, with the majority approving on a figure of around 20,000 and Axworthy estimating roughly 10,000 Mughal soldiers killed. Nader claimed that his soldiers killed 20,000 people and imprisoned many more. The total number of Mughal officers killed was staggering: 400. Though the actual deaths were not excessive as a percentage of the whole Mughal force, this obscures the fact that the casualties included the best of the Mughal army, including an overwhelming number of its leaders. Part of the Mughals' defeat was owing to their obsolete artillery.

Furthermore, Persian artillery found Indian elephants to be an easy target, and Persian warriors were more competent with a musket. The severity of the casualties generated immense despair among the remaining Mughals, who were unable to maintain their discipline due to the overwhelming defeat. Soldiers robbed their camp shortly after morale fell, many deserted, and all desire to fight again vanished. Khan Dowran's death was one of the most heartbreaking losses. He was gravely injured when he returned, and his faithful retainers couldn't even find him a spot to rest his head. Due to a long-standing grudge, Nizam-ul-Mulk came to Khan Dowran's side as he was dying to mock him before he died. That nightfall, the Khan died surrounded by his few remaining supporters. According to recent research, the total Persian casualties were only 1,100, with 400 killed and 700 injured. This amount was such a minor percentage of the Persian army that it was insignificant. That evening, Sa'adat Khan was transported to Nader. The Khan encouraged the Shah to summon Nizam-ul-Mulk, the Empire's important figure. Nizam-ul-Mulk and a group of other Mughal negotiators arrived at Nader's camp shortly after. Although the Mughal plenipotentiaries arrived in armour rather than ordinary attire, Nader quickly requested that he and Nizam-ul-Mulk be left alone to discuss issues more freely. When Nizam-ul-Mulk was alone with the Shah, he meekly admitted that his life was entirely in his hands. Muhammad Shah's willingness to pay an indemnity to the Persian throne was stressed to him by Nader. Nader dispatched Nizam-ul-Mulk after persuading him to request the Mughal Emperor's attendance in the Persian army. The Mughal Emperor travelled to meet with his Persian counterpart on 26 February, amid great pomp and scene. Muhammad Shah was treated with respect due to an Emperor, and Nader conversed with him in Turkic. The Mughal delegation returned to their tent west of the Alimardan River when the negotiations were completed. The question of who will succeed Khan Dowran in his office sparked a heated debate. Many other notables, including Sa'adat Khan, were outraged when Muhammad Shah intervened on behalf Nizam-ul-Mulk's. According to legend, Sa'adat Khan secretly corresponded with Nader and incited Muhammad Shah to march on Delhi to collect a far bigger indemnity from him.

Nader summoned Nizam-ul-Mulk again in early March and unilaterally proclaimed the earlier agreements null and void. Nizam-ul-Mulk objected but was compelled to write to Muhammad Shah, pleading with him to return to the Persian army. Muhammad Shah agreed and remained in Nader's company for the rest of his life (and custody). In a show of mercy, Nader let the remaining Mughal soldiers leave with their mounts and animals, and he also paid all of his soldiers and the Persian camp attendants in advance. Tahmasp Khan Jalayer, one of Nader's most trustworthy lieutenants, was tasked with leading the way to Delhi in the company of Sa'adat Khan.

Persian Occupation of Delhi

On 20 March 1739, Nader arrived in Delhi with Mohammed Shah. The Shah was escorted by 20,000 Savaran-e Saltanati (royal guard) and 100 war elephants, all of which were mounted by his Jazyerchi. As the conqueror of Delhi approached, the city's fortifications saluted with their guns. In Muhammad Shah's palace, the Persians were lavishly welcomed. Nader charged Sa'adat Khan with collecting taxes from Delhi residents, and he did everything he could to please the Shah to ingratiate himself with his respectful behaviour. When Sa'adat Khan requested an audience with Nader, the Shah scolded him severely for not collecting taxes quickly enough. Sa'adat Khan was burdened to such an extent after his embarrassing defeat at Karnal, his open treachery to his Emperor in the aftermath, his embarrassing failure to curry favour with the person he thought would be his new patron, forced to rob his people of their wealth for an invading foreign host, that he died in Delhi only a few days after his arrival. Nader Shah was determined to maintain control over his new vassal, Muhammad Shah, and made it obvious that he intended to keep him on the throne. As a result, rigorous military discipline was maintained, and any mistreatment of civilians was punishable by mutilation under a decree. The Mughal aristocracy was soft and feeble, according to Nader. When Nader asked a Mughal minister how many ladies he had in his harem, the minister replied that he had 850. Nader joked that to be promoted to minbashi, and he would add another 150 slave girls (commander of a thousand). On 21 March, Nader commemorated Nowruz, the Persian New Year, by awarding gifts and promotions to many generals and officers. Rumours began to circulate among Delhi residents that an unjustified charge was on the way. There were even rumours that Muhammad Shah kidnapped Nader and had him slain in some fashion. When word spread that Nader had been assassinated, a mob of Delhi residents gathered near a granary where a party of Persian soldiers had been dispatched to negotiate the price. The mob attacked and killed five Persian soldiers. The incident prompted an uprising, and bands of citizens stormed across the city, successively attacking isolated Persian soldiers. When word of this reached Nader, he dismissed it, believing that his forces were looking for an excuse to ransack the city. However, after receiving multiple allegations of lynching's, Nader dispatched one of his retainers to investigate these claims. He also dispatched another member of his close circle, but the enraged mob assassinated both. Nader dispatched a fowj (thousand-strong force) but instructed them to confront only those participating in the violence.

The Rebellion & the Sack of Delhi

As the reinforced detachments dispatched by Nader to reinstate order came under fire from muskets and arrows, the insurrection in Delhi gained momentum. That night, several isolated Persian army contingents were discovered holed up in various compounds throughout the city. Nader rode out of the palace where he had been quartered for the night on 22 March and headed towards the Rowshan O-Dowleh mosque. A musket shot from an adjacent building almost missed Nader and killed one of his generals instead. Once atop the mosque's roof, Nader ordered his forces to invade all of the districts where Persian soldiers had been murdered, leaving no one alive. He signalled the start of a massacre by raising his sword. Three thousand soldiers marched out of the courtyard of the mosque and began a terrible and bloody massacre. Nader Shah sat, sword in hand, with a gloomy, mournful expression on his face, lost in thought. The stillness was deafening, and no one dared to disturb it. Continuous noises of anguish and pleading echoed around the city as smoke soared over it. There was little opposition, and the majority of those slaughtered had no hope of surviving. Many men were apprehended and carried to the Yamuna River, where they were all brutally beheaded. Soldiers broke into homes and slaughtered everyone inside, plundering all the valuables they could find before setting fire to what was left. Because of the murder and rapine, many men preferred to kill themselves and their families rather than be subjugated to and slain by Persian soldiers. Seyed Niaz Khan and Shahnawaz Khan were two of the most powerful Mughal nobles involved in stirring the insurrection. Niaz Khan and a small number of followers ambushed and killed the small squad of Persian troops stationed outside his residence for his security. He then teamed up with Shahnawaz Khan to attack Nader Shah's stables, keeping all of the seized Indian war elephants. The stables were quickly overtaken, and the two even managed to flee the city during the stampede of elephants. They sought sanctuary in a nearby fort. On the other hand, the Persian forces tracked them down and burst into the fort, capturing Niaz Khan and Shahnawaz Khan, as well as a few hundred of their men. They were all transported to Nader, which is next to the mosque. On the scene, they were all beheaded at Nader's command. Women were the only captives released by Nader. The killing, which had started late the night before, lasted until daybreak the next day when Nader sent out his officers and messengers to declare the massacre over. The Persian army's quick cease-fire was unusual, and many contemporary writers praised Nader's army's strong discipline. Although the massacre lasted only a few hours, the death toll was enormous. Persian soldiers killed approximately 30,000 men, women, and children. Following the conclusion of this most heinous episode in Delhi's history, Nader's officials resumed collecting taxes, with some being dispatched to the city's outskirts to do so as well. Even Muhammad Shah's ministers were not secure, with one, in particular, being tortured and having his possessions stolen by force. To assure tax collection, Nader dispatched 1,000 cavalrymen to each of the city's districts. The Mughal dynasty's capital's coffers, however, may have held the largest wealth. The Persian army also took the Peacock Throne, which became a symbol of Persian imperial power after that. Nader also acquired the Koh-i-Noor and Darya-ye Noor diamonds, among a plethora of other magnificent jewels. The overall value of the looted treasures is estimated to be around 700 million rupees. At the time, this was roughly comparable to £90 million sterling, or £8.2 billion sterling in the early twenty-first century. The Mughal Emperor was compelled to sign a series of treaties that further ruined his Empire. The Persian Empire gained control of all countries West of the Indus. Nader also attempted to forge marriage relations between the two dynasties by arranging marriages for his sons, generals, and himself. Nader made plans for his departure after accumulating all of the wealth he sought. Persian army left Delhi in early May 1739, bringing thousands of elephants, horses, and camels with them, all filled with amassed booty. Nader withheld taxation in Persia for three years after his return because the booty acquired from India was so valuable. The Persian army advanced toward the Hindu Kush in the north. Nader convened a meeting of governors from his newly acquired domains in northern India. Except for one, everyone arrived with presents and pledges of allegiance to their new overlord. Governor of Sindh Khodayar Khan had bargained with Nader to be pleased with his vast loot and already significant territory acquisitions, so he thought he was safe from Nader. Khodayar Khan felt Nader would not travel to the Hindu Kush Mountains so late in the campaigning season because of the punishingly difficult terrain. He was completely wrong.

After defeating the disintegrating Mughal Empire in the East, Nader Shah shifted his attention to the West and challenged Persia's archrivals, the Ottomans, once more. Sultan Mahmud I started the Ottoman-Persian War (1743-1746), and Muhammad Shah worked closely with the Ottomans until he died in 1748. The British East India Company was alerted by Nader's Indian campaign to the Mughal Empire's acute weakness and the possibility of expanding British imperialism to fill the power vacuum. As a result of the Mughal Empire's defeat at Karnal, the Mughal dynasty, which was already in decline, was severely damaged, hastening its end. According to historian Axworthy, without the disastrous repercussions of Nader's invasion of India, the European colonial takeover of the Indian subcontinent may have occurred differently, or perhaps not at all, radically altering the Indian subcontinent's history.